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Asia Society AustralAsia
Centre
Asia Foreign Policy Update Luncheon
Melbourne , 29 August 2003
Keynote address by
H E MR YASHWANT SINHA
Minister for External Affairs
Government of India
Mr. Hugh Morgan, Chairman of the Asia Society
AustralAsia Centre,
Mr. Richard Woolcott, Founding Director, Asia Society AustralAsia
Centre,
Excellencies, Distinguished members of business and industry,
Ladies and Gentleman,
It is a privilege for me to speak
to this distinguished gathering assembled today, and I would like
to thank the Asia Society AustralAsia Centre for making it possible.
The subject of my talk today is the Dynamics of India’s Foreign
Policy in a Globalising World and its Impact on India-Australia
Relations.
India, in the fifty six years of its independence, has witnessed
some extraordinary developments: the consolidation of the world’s
largest parliamentary democracy, the establishment of an equitable
social order supported by a fiercely independent judicial system,
one of world’s most unique agricultural achievements, the
empowerment of Indian women (my wife is here as proof of that) the
powerful revitalization of scientific traditions, and the creation
of a superbly capable human resource base.
We must not forget either the huge
and prosperous middle-class, the outreach of a confident business
community, the free and ever alert media, the development and blossoming
of the Indian arts, and the great energy of the Indian entertainment
industry.
Nor should we ignore the successes
of the 20-million strong Indian Diaspora, who, owing to their hard
work and adaptability, are among the most affluent and educated
of all ethnic communities in different parts of the world they even
run for office occasionally.
In achieving all this, Indians have
not had to sacrifice any of their fundamental rights, their diversity,
their love of tradition, their attachment to family values or their
democratic and secular norms.
India, ladies and gentlemen, is more
than anything else defined by the determination of her billion strong
people.
Let me cite one example of how Indian
skills are contributing to the success of some of our economic partners.
The giant Long Term Credit Bank of Japan, which was in deep financial
morass, saw itself turn around with the help of a thousand Indian
professionals who completely re-engineered the banks processes in
just two years. They did this at an implementation cost 90% less
than estimated. The Indian company provided a complete solution,
reorganizing the bank’s functions around a fresh business
model based on their knowledge of financial markets, of new financial
products, of modern commercial banking and accountancy, and of the
complicated software and hardware to go with the new functions.
Friends, at the national level, we
are expecting our growth rate to reach a stable 7% within the next
one or two years, the target is 8% over the next 10-20 years. Inflation
in India has been under strict control for many years now, and our
foreign exchange reserves are a robust US$86 billion and racing
to cross the US$100 billion mark.
India used to be a country beset with
perpetual food shortages. From an importer of food grains, today,
we have emerged as the seventh largest exporter of food grains in
the world, it should be of some interest to Australia.
You would also be interested to hear
of the recent decision of the Government of India to lend funds
to the IMF, politely decline aid from a string of countries, prepay
US $3 billion of our loans to the World Bank and the ADB, write
off debts owed to us by several poor countries, and give aid to
many others.
This then friends is India. It is
an India confident of being a key player in a globalising world.
And this confidence shapes our foreign policy.
Our foreign policy was and is designed
to preserve our national identity as a pluralistic, democratic and
secular society, defend our territorial integrity and our sovereignty,
and create an environment conducive to the security and well-being
of our people. We place the highest priority on developing friendly
and mutually beneficial relations with all our neighbours. At the
same time, we are also stepping up significantly our engagement
with the rest of the world, especially the major powers.
For example, India’s relationship
with China is changing in response to the dynamics operating in
the two countries, as well as regionally and globally. In the last
few years, our relationship has developed and diversified in many
areas and at many levels. The level of mutual understanding which
has been achieved is exemplified by our success in maintaining relative
peace and tranquility for nearly three decades along a border which
extends for about 3500 kilometres and where there are clear differences
of perception. Especially noteworthy is the increased emphasis on
the economic aspect of our relationship. Our bilateral trade has
shot up from around US$200 million in the early nineties to around
US$5 billion in 2002. This year we hope to reach US$ 7 billion.
Indian business and industry have overcome their initial apprehensions
of Chinese business and are strengthening their linkages with their
Chinese counterparts.
Similarly, our engagement with the
United States continues to grow and become more broad-based. This
follows Prime Minister Vajpayee and President Bush’s commitment
to complete the process of qualitatively transforming the bilateral
relationships.
The strategic dimension is assuming
greater weight in our relationship with the US. The National Security
Strategy document, released by President Bush in September 2002,
spoke about building a strategic relationship with India in a global
context. We see a convergence of interests in stabilizing the Asia-Pacific
region; combating terrorism; preventing proliferation of WMD and
delivery systems; ensuring the security of sea-lanes; securing access
to the energy resources and markets in the region; and managing
consequences of instability from conflicts and failure of states.
We do not see India-US relations
in the context of any other country or regional equations or even
alliance systems, nor is this relationship going to be at the expense
of any other relationship. At the same time, an integral part of
our strategic dialogue is exchange of views on a regular basis on
great powers, on countries in our neighbourhood, in other parts
of Asia and other regions of the world.
If one sees the demographics and the
current trends of economic growth, it is apparent that the growth
of the world economy in the next decade will be powered by Asia.
Asians are now focusing their policies on expanding domestic demand
and investment, and not just on increasing exports. They are becoming
consumers instead of remaining only exporters. The Asian consumer
is set to drive global demand in the coming years, as did the American
consumer in the 1990s. In this scenario, by virtue of their population
and size, countries like China and India will play a significant
role in the demand and use of technology, in FDI flows, and in the
new equilibrium of economic power.
India and Australia have been the
two countries in Asia, apart from China to have weathered, to a
large extent, the global economic slowdown of the recent years.
This indicates a certain degree of economic resilience that augurs
well for the formation of business alliances on a long term basis.
Now that we see signs of global recovery, the time is best for us
to exploit the opportunities that are again opening up. To support
a more dynamic and intensive trade and investment relationship,
at the government level, we have together put in place the requisite
agreements and structures relating to taxation, investment protection,
cooperation in IT, etc.
Australia has strengths in the old
economy and ambitions in the new. India has a similar profile in
some respects. We do, however, still have needs in the old economy
even as we have special competence in the new economy. Therein,
lies the confluence of our business interests. While there have
been direct Australian investments in India of the order of A$ 1
billion so, Indian investments in Australia also have been of a
similar amount. Two large recent investments in Western Australia
have been the A$ 650 million capital injection into a liquid ammonia
plant in the Burrup Peninsula and the A$ 180 million acquisition
of the Strait’s copper mine in Nifty. Indian investments have
also been visible in the mining sector in Tasmania and Queensland.
In the area of new economy, Indian software giants have set up Software
Development Centres in Sydney and Melbourne. These complementarities
of interest through mutual investment creates jobs and opportunities
in both countries.
Areas with promising potential for
cooperation between our two countries include IT, biotechnology,
drugs and pharmaceuticals, infrastructure development, power, agricultural
produce and processing, mining, oil and natural gas, water management,
soil conservation and waste disposal, film and television industry,
tourism and education.
But perhaps, we can try and look
even further ahead. Both Australia and India have in place free
trade agreements with some countries, and we are each in the process
of negotiating some others. I am happy to inform you in this context
that my distinguished counterpart, Mr. Alexander Downer and I agreed
yesterday to establish a study group on comprehensive economic cooperation
between our two countries. This expert group will look at the potential
of cooperation before the 2 countries and create a roadmap for the
future.
A close partnership between India and Australia is important for
the peace and the stability of the Asia Pacific region. India has
civilisational and historic links with the Asia-Pacific. People
of Indian origin are present in almost all the countries of the
region and play a significant part in the business and professional
activities there. Australia has a maritime border with these countries.
The fundamentals that are already in place, therefore, put us in
a unique position to contribute to peace and prosperity of the region.
This cooperation is particularly important since the Asia-Pacific
region faces some formidable challenges such as the increasing nexus
of trafficking in drugs and illegal arms, smuggling of people, armed
piracy and above all terrorism.
Both India and Australia, as littoral
states of the Indian Ocean, had done pioneering work in trying to
evolve an Indian Ocean community. This community is yet to find
its true measure of success through collaboration, but the rich
opportunities for trade and commerce should not be forgotten.
Our two countries share the fundamental
ideals of democracy, political moderation, opposition to terrorism,
and commitment to good governance. Thus in the Indian Ocean and
the Asia-Pacific region as a whole, our two countries are obvious
partners in any future arrangement for a stable balance of power.
From preventing failed states becoming havens for terrorism to cooperation
in protecting the sea lanes of the Indian Ocean, there is scope
for a broader and deeper agenda between Australia and India. The
challenge, therefore, is quickly and effectively put enough ballast
in our relationship.
As an international community, we
are seeking to free the flow of ideas and opportunities for creating
greater global wealth. But we have so far not succeeded in the fundamental
matter of ensuring the security of our people, who initiate and
energize this flow, and work to enable us benefit from it. The death
tolls of innocent people in the attacks of September 11 in New York,
in the recent atrocities in Jakarta, and in the unceasing and brutal
terrorist violence in India exemplified by the bomb blasts in Mumbai
recently underscore this first and essential need.
Terror crosses boundaries with great
ease. But, we are hamstrung in our cooperative war against terror
because some of us still have not given up our political expediencies
and excuses. As an international community we are paralyzed. We
cannot join hands to fight terror because we have tied ourselves
up in a mesh of fruitless definitions and dialectics. If we continue
to take recourse to double standards, if we continue to talk of
the clash of civilizations and root causes, then we have lost the
war against terror. We have let the terrorists across the globe
laugh their bloody laugh again and yet again.
Terrorism is the greatest challenge
to democratic societies and to world order. India believes that
there can be no duality of approach in dealing with the scourge
of terrorism. Only a singularity of purpose. In this context, I
am happy to say that the Australian leadership shares our views,
and that Foreign Minister Downer, and I were able to conclude a
Memorandum of Understanding on Counter Terrorism within the framework
of the India- Australia Ministerial Dialogue yesterday.
One dynamic of globalisation is the
increase in students traveling abroad for higher education. India
has itself become a choice destination for foreign students from
Asia and Africa who come to pursue professional courses in engineering,
IT, management studies, biotechnology, journalism, agricultural
sciences, etc. They are aware that India provides world-class education
at a fraction of the cost, and that our universities are becoming
increasingly foreign-student friendly. Likewise, Australia is an
important destination for Indian university students. It is in our
interest to afford the student community the respect and dignity
that they deserve. It is worth adopting attitudes that avoid treating
every student with suspicion as a potential illegal immigrant. Otherwise,
we will have scarred with early bitterness the memories of those
who are the best envoys to our globalised future.
Australia is home to a small but successful
community of people of Indian origin. They are proud residents of
your country who have contributed to Australia's growth and progress
through their commitment and hard work. They are an integral part
of your multicultural ethos, enriching it and enriched by it.
There exists a strong bond in the
form of our shared history during the two world wars when Australians
and Indian soldiers fought and won the two world wars by standing
shoulder to shoulder. The Commonwealth war cemetery in Syria, Turkey,
Egypt and in many places in South East Asia are testimonies to this.
This strong bondage continued later in sports and culture. Our film
industry has become Australia’s tourism Ambassador in India.
The Sydney Harbour Bridge and Melbourne tram are popular scenes
in Bollywood movies.
Today a large number of visitors
from India travel to Australia. Our businessmen, academicians and
professionals seek here in Australia the most productive interaction.
So when I come to Australia, I bring with me our expectation of
the energy that will characterize future India-Australia relations
in different fields, and of the great promise that exists in enhancing
these bilateral exchanges.
I cannot but convey that my delegation
considers this visit as most substantial and successful. We have
been able to reinforce the bonds of our friendship and embark on
new areas in our partnership. It is people who weave unbreakable
ties between nations. And we are fortunate that we have such highly-skilled,
dynamic, outward-looking and creative people in both our countries.
We have with us here today Mr. Richard
Woolcott, whom I believe, once described India-Australia relations
as defined by three C’s – Commonwealth, curry and cricket.
Friends, we have now moved far ahead of the three C’s and
are today in the process of forging a modern and more energetic
Australia-India partnership that truly reflects the spirit of the
21st century. I am convinced that this relationship will not only
enrich us bilaterally but also bring peace and security to our region.
Thank you.
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